Difference between revisions of "Investigative Project on Terrorism"

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*[[Donors Trust]]: $5,000 <ref> [http://conservativetransparency.org/top/adv/4/?donor%5B0%5D=3184&yr=2010&yr1&yr2&submit Donors Trust 2010], ''Conservative transparency'', accessed 14 November 2016. </ref>
 
*[[Donors Trust]]: $5,000 <ref> [http://conservativetransparency.org/top/adv/4/?donor%5B0%5D=3184&yr=2010&yr1&yr2&submit Donors Trust 2010], ''Conservative transparency'', accessed 14 November 2016. </ref>
 
*[[Eugene & Emily Grant Family Foundation]]: $10,000 <ref> Eugene & Emily Grant Family Foundation, 990 Form, 2010. </ref>
 
*[[Eugene & Emily Grant Family Foundation]]: $10,000 <ref> Eugene & Emily Grant Family Foundation, 990 Form, 2010. </ref>
 +
*[[Dextra Baldwin McGonagle Foundation]]: $10,000 <ref> Dextra Baldwin McGonagle Foundation, 990 Form, 2010. </ref>
  
 
===2011===
 
===2011===

Revision as of 13:21, 14 November 2016

IPT logo,circa 2015 Credit: Twitter

The Investigative Project on Terrorism (IPT) is private sector counter terror agency set up and run by Steven Emerson in 1995. It is essentially a vehicle for promoting Emerson's work but it has also produced several likeminded experts, notably Evan Kohlmann.

Blunders

Steve Emerson claimed that the Oklahoma bombing was carried out by Islamists:

Emerson became widely known in the aftermath of the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing, when, appearing as an expert on CBS News, he theorized that the attack was the work of Islamic extremists. It turned out that Timothy McVeigh was responsible.[1]

In a lesser known incident, Emerson had promoted the case of Iftikhar Chaudhry Khan, who had claimed he was a top Pakistani nuclear scientist, but turned out to be a "former low-level accountant at a company that makes bathroom fixtures." According to Khan's lawyer "Emerson was helpful in corroborating information and making scientific clarifications."[2] Khan was the source behind an article in The Observer which had claimed that "military commanders have discussed pre-emptive nuclear strikes against India."[3]

Lobbying

Andrew Cochran worked as a lobbyist for the Investigative Project from 2004-2006, as did Rachel Sullivan and Trey Barnes, both then also lobbyists at Public Policy Partners (which became GAGE in 2005). As well as representing Motley Rice, Trey Barnes has also lobbied for several private military and intelligence companies including Aegis Defence Services, the Strategic Communication Laboratories, Becatech and L-3 Communications. In 2005 the Investigative Project also hired the lobbying firm Baker Donelson[4] which represents several arms and aviation corporations, the Newspaper Association of America and The Washington Post.

Funding

The Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation, which provided $100,000 for Emerson’s documentary film Jihad in America, has also funded a study by Robert Satloff, executive director of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, a think tank spun off by directors of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee. The same foundation has also provided grants to the Foreign Policy Research Institute of Philadelphia, then headed by Daniel Pipes and an associate, Khaled Duran, who also was Emerson’s collaborator producing Jihad in America.[5] Emerson also received money from the right-wing media tycoon Richard Mellon Scaife, for Jihad in America. During the cold war, Scaife had sponsored anti-communist crusader Brian Crozier and his foundations later provided $2.4 million over several years to American Spectator to pay for negative reporting on Bill Clinton, including hiring a private eye. Millions more went to other anti-Clinton groups.[6]

As for IPT (which was founded after Emerson made Jihad in America), the organisation’s website states that it “does not accept funding from any government agency or religious institutions” and is funded through “charitable contributions from private U.S. individuals and foundations”. Emerson has refused to disclose the identity of these individuals and foundations, however, it is evident from IRS filings made by IPT’s donors that it is funded by many of the same foundations that fund America’s powerful Israel lobby.

2002

2003

2006

The Thomas Jefferson Rosenberg Foundation is also a funder. [7]

2008

2009

2010

2011

2012

2013

2014

2015

Principals and Alumni

Affiliations

Resources

Notes

  1. Benjamin Wallace-Wells, PRIVATE JIHAD How Rita Katz got into the spying business, New Yorker, 29 May 2006, Posted 2006-05-22
  2. John F. Sugg, 'Steven Emerson's Crusade', Extra!, January/February 1999
  3. Peter Beaumont, Paul Beaver, Anwar Iqbal, 'Pakistan's plan for a nuclear hit Scientist defects with list of Indian targets', The Observer, 28 June 1998
  4. Baker Donelson Lobbying Report for the Investigative Project 2005
  5. Richard H. Curtiss, Washington Report on Middle Eastern Affairs, September 1999, pp.138-140
  6. Brooks Jackson/CNN, ‘Who Is Richard Mellon Scaife?’, 27 April 1998; (accessed 15 August 2008)
  7. Dates TBC
  8. The Fairbrook Foundation, Form 990 - Return of Organization Exempt From Income Tax, 2008, accessed via foundationcenter.org, 20 September 2010.
  9. Tepper Family Foundation Donations, Conservative Transparency, accessed 14 January 2016
  10. Tepper Family Foundation Donations, Conservative Transparency, accessed 14 January 2016
  11. 11.0 11.1 11.2 [=candidate&sf[]=donor&sf[]=recipient&sf[]=transaction&sf[]=finances Investigative Project on Terrorism], Conservative Transparency Database, accessed 9 June 2015
  12. Abstraction Fund, 990 Form, 2010
  13. Newton D. & Rochelle F. Becker Foundation, Top Recipients, 2010, accessed 21 October 2016
  14. Tepper Family Foundation Donations, Conservative Transparency, accessed 14 January 2016
  15. Russell Berrie Foundation, 990 Form, 2011
  16. Aufzien Foundation, 990 Form, 2010
  17. Howard and Geraldine Polinger Foundation, 990 Form, 2010
  18. Bialkin Family Foundation, 990 Form, 2010.
  19. Abstraction Fund, 990 Form, 2010.
  20. Diana Davis Spencer Foundation, Form 990, 2010.
  21. Vanguard Charitable Endowment Fund, 990 Form, 2010.
  22. Donors Trust 2010, Conservative transparency, accessed 14 November 2016.
  23. Eugene & Emily Grant Family Foundation, 990 Form, 2010.
  24. Dextra Baldwin McGonagle Foundation, 990 Form, 2010.
  25. MEF Funding, rightweb.irc, accessed 29 January 2016
  26. Dextra Baldwin McGonagle Foundation, Form 990, 2011
  27. Eugene & Emily Grant Family Foundation, 990 Form, 2011.
  28. Koret Foundation, 990 Form, 2011.
  29. Newton D. & Rochelle F. Becker Foundation, Top Recipients, 2011, accessed 21 October 2016
  30. Russell Berrie Foundation, 990 Form, 2011
  31. Ellen and Gary Davis Foundation, 990 Form, 2011
  32. Bialkin Family Foundation, 990 Form, 2011.
  33. Diana Davis Spencer Foundation, Form 990, 2011.
  34. Ben and Esther Rosenbloom Foundation, 990 Form, 2011
  35. Abstraction Fund, 990 Form, 2012
  36. 36.0 36.1 [1], Conservative Transparency, accessed 14 January 2016
  37. Combined Jewish Philanthropies of Greater Boston, 990 Form, 2012.
  38. Dextra Baldwin McGonagle Foundation, Form 990, 2012
  39. Diana Davis Spencer Foundation, Form 990, 2012.
  40. Jewish Communal Fund, 990 Form, 2012. accessed 26 October 2016.
  41. Koret Foundation, 990 Form, 2012.
  42. Conservative Transparency database, Newton D. & Rochelle F. Becker Foundation, accessed 2 March 2015
  43. Vanguard Charitable Endowment Fund, Form 990, 2012
  44. Aufzien Foundation, 990 Form, 2012
  45. Ben and Esther Rosenbloom Foundation, 990 Form, 2012
  46. IRS 990 Filing, Russell Berrie Foundation, Citizen Audit.org, accessed 2 March 2015, p15
  47. Form 990 2013, foundationcenter.org, accessed 14 January 2016
  48. Combined Jewish Philanthropies of Greater Boston, 990 Form, 2013.
  49. Dextra Baldwin McGonagle Foundation, Form 990, 2013
  50. Diana Davis Spencer Foundation, Form 990, 2013.
  51. Emerson Family Foundation, Form 990 PF 2013.
  52. 990 Form 2013, Foundation Center, accessed 18 January 2016
  53. Jewish Communal Fund, 990 Form, 2013. accessed 26 October 2016.
  54. Koret Foundation, 990 Form, 2013.
  55. Tepper Family Foundation Donations, Conservative Transparency, accessed 14 January 2016
  56. Form 990 2013, Foundation Center, accessed 19 January 2016
  57. Vanguard Charitable Endowment Fund, Form 990, 2013
  58. Aufzien Foundation, 990 Form, 2013
  59. Bialkin Family Foundation, 990 Form, 2013.
  60. Ben and Esther Rosenbloom Foundation, 990 Form, 2013
  61. Middle East Forum, Form 990, 2014
  62. Combined Jewish Philanthropies of Greater Boston, 990 Form, 2014.
  63. Form 990 2013, Foundation Center, accessed 14 January 2016
  64. Diana Davis Spencer Foundation, Form 990, 2014.
  65. Eugene & Emily Grant Family Foundation, 990 Form, 2014.
  66. Jewish Communal Fund, 990 Form, 2014. accessed 26 October 2016.
  67. MZ Foundation, 990 Form, 2014.
  68. Ben and Esther Rosenbloom Foundation, 990 Form, 2014
  69. Guidestar, Form 990 James E. & Patricia D. Cayne Charitable Trust, 2015
  70. Kevin Keenan, ‘Analysts say fundraising for terrorists went on without notice’, Telegram and Gazette, 11 September 2006, (accessed via The Investigative Project website on 17 April 2008)
  71. Michael Isikoff and David Corn, Hubris (2006), 74
  72. Bob Smietana, Does anyone profit from spreading anti-Muslim fear? Some do, The Tennessean, 24 October 2010
  73. Eli Clifton, More Insights Into Steven Emerson’s Tangled Funding Web, Lobelog.com, 4 November 2010